Category Archives: outreach

Podcast on Scholars at Risk

In December 2025, Leila Dedial and myself spoke to anthropologist and podcaster Ian M. Cook and to scholar-at-risk Ibrar Mirzai about the Hilde Domin Training Programme (HDTP) we host at the University of Konstanz, funded by the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD).

The Hilde Domin Programme, of which the Training Programme is one part, is a scholar-at-risk programme composed of fellows from across the world, who all had to flee their countries of origin. They now study for their MA degree or write their PhD thesis in Germany, while remaining involved in and committed to their home countries. Many came with their families, others had to leave their loved ones behind …

The Hilde Domin Training Programme is a one-year programme for all fellowship holders, to be studied alongside their degrees. It is composed of two semesters of online webinars and three face-to-face workshops which take place at the University of Konstanz. The goal of the programme is to transmit knowledge that will help our fellows better understand Germany and the EU, to acquire new academic and personal skills, take part in professional coaching events and support them in making informed decisions about their future career.

With Ian and Ibrar, Leila and I also discussed the predicaments that come with being a scholar-at-risk in Germany in regard to issues of integration, mental health, ‘imposter syndrome’ and potential risks deriving from changes in the political landscape in Europe.

You can find this first episode of Ian’s new series “Displacing Universities” on the anthropology platform Allegra Lab and also directly on Soundcloud.

Illustration by Ibrar Mirzai.

New Article Out: Exiled Activists from Myanmar

Our collaborative article “Exiled Activists from Myanmar: Predicaments and Possibilities of Human Rights Activism from Abroad“, published in the Journal of Human Rights Practice (Oxford University Press), is finally out! 🎉

I am very proud of the work that my colleague Samia Akhter-Khan, my two Ph.D. students Sarah Riebel and Nickey Diamond, another author from Myanmar (who has to use a pseudonym for reasons of safety), as well as myself have managed to achieve under very difficult circumstances.

This article was born out of necessity to engage with the topic of exile. None of us had ever wanted to study yet alone experience this existential state of being. The empirical material we draw on in this article stems from autoethnographic accounts (Nickey Diamond and Demo Lulin), semi-structured interviews and conversations with around forty exiled activists currently residing in Thailand, the US, the UK, Austria, and Switzerland (Samia Akhter-Khan and myself) as well as extensive ethnographic work with exiled activists in Thailand (Sarah Riebel).

In this article, we put forward the concept of the ‘exiled activist’ to highlight the predicaments and the possibilities that practicing human rights activism from abroad bring with it. From our analysis, we have developed three so-called ‘practitioner points’ that might guide INGOs, NGOs, states and other bodies to properly relate to exiled activists from Myanmar. These are:

1. Develop trauma-informed support systems for exiled activists by integrating psychosocial care and peer-based mental health resources into human rights programming and diaspora organizing.

2. Adapt partnership models to accommodate the shifting positionality of exiled activists, recognizing their need for secure digital platforms, flexible funding, and shared decision-making across borders.

3. Acknowledge and navigate political divisions within diverse groups of exiled activists – such as differing views on the National League for Democracy, the military, or the Rohingya – by avoiding assumptions of unity and instead fostering inclusive collaboration that respects diverse activist trajectories and lived experiences.

We have made our article openaccess so that everyone is able to download it. Currently, we are working on a shorter version in Burmese/Myanma, to also allow those who do not speak English to read about this important topic.

Thank you to all exiled activists who have participated in this study, trusted us and shared their stories – and to the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD) for the support of scholars at risk over the last years!

Assistance Association for Political Prisoners Burma Museum, Mae Sot, Thailand. Photograph: Sarah Riebel.

Intro to Anthro for Myanmar Students (and others)

On the occasion of what would have been Aung San’s 111th birthday, I release a video lecture which I have given in late 2021 to anthropology students from Myanmar after the Myanmar military attempted a coup on 1 February 2021.

Some of my own students and tens of thousands more had to go into hiding once the military began occupying their universities and took over their cities. With their professors resigning from their positions out of protest, their education came to a sudden, abrupt halt. Having to leave their dormitories and sitting in their parents’ homes again, or having to flee Yangon, Mandalay and other bigger cities in which they had until then studied, they still longed to continue their studies.

This lecture was an effort to support them in this endeavour, albeit without being able to substitute for what they had lost. Moreover, it became evident over the course of the online sessions, that many could not concentrate due to the ongoing violence and the many new tasks they had to adhere to in order to secure their own living or contribute to the livelihood of their families. It is hard to study while having to cope with trauma.

In the lecture, I discuss the concept of ‘guerilla anthropology’ as a way to educate each other while in hiding or from abroad; education as a subversive act of resistance and as refusal to give in. In the main part of the lecture, I cover both the history of anthropology and the role of history in anthropology.

By 2026, several so-called “virtual universities” have taken over from what had been a first effort of mine and fellow anthropologists back then. They have now build a systematic online education path for thousands of Myanmar students. Moreover, some of my own former students from the Unviersity of Yangon have become educators themselves and now teach schoolchildren in the Myanmar-Thai border region. Others have left the country to pursue their own education – all hope to be able to return to Myanmar one day…

May their dream come true!

Help Myanmar!

The people of Myanmar are the most resilient people I have ever met.
But now, after this devastating earthquake, and with ongoing relentless attacks from the military since the attempted coup of 1 February 2021, they are exhausted and really need our support.

This is easier said than done. When a military dictator, notorious for shooting civilians in broad daylight, for bombing innocent children in their schools out of airplanes, for planting mines across the entire country which will cause suffering for decades to come, suddenly begs the “international community” for any humanitarian aid possible, we need to be very careful.

While international aid and financial support is of utmost importance at this moment, it can not go to the “state” of Myanmar, a structural position currently occupied by the military. As there is no legitimate government inside the country, there will be no way to ensure that the money reaches those who need it.

Instead, we can be sure that humanitarian aid will be diverted by the generals. So, how can you support those suffering?

Here are three initiatives, the first two are known for having done great work since at least the attempted coup, the third one is a personal recommendation:

1. Better Burma (https://lnkd.in/erq79zv6)

2. Advance Myanmar (https://lnkd.in/eQiC_8ut)

3. My PhD student from Mandalay, Nickey Diamond (Ye Myint Win), is collecting funds (https://lnkd.in/eNgZdGjD)

Please repost this and – if you can afford it – please help the people of Myanmar – they deserve it!

Thank you. ကျေးဇူးပါ။

(photo: Judith Beyer. December 2013, Mandalay Palace)



Research Colloquium at Université Paris-Nanterre

This winter term, I will be spending some time with my anthropology colleagues at Paris-Nanterre as part of the Laboratoire d’Ethnologie et de Sociologie comparative (LESC), part of the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS).

One part of my research stay is devoted to working on my current project: “Towards an anthropology of statelessness”. I will be speaking at the Department’s Colloquium in December (see plan below). I will also be teaching a course in legal anthropology … more about this one later.

The colloquium is free and open to the public, everyone is welcome.

Who gets to be ‘Myanmar’ at the ICJ?

The Myanmar military will appear at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in The Hague on 21 February 2022. I argue that their main interest does not lie in defending the country against genocide allegations. Read the full post at Allegra Lab.

In the case of The Gambia vs Myanmar currently pending at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), Myanmar has been accused of having violated the UN Genocide Convention of 1948 by committing serious crimes against the Rohingya, a predominantly Muslim ethnic group. In 2017, 800.000 Rohingya fled Myanmar to neighbouring Bangladesh in an effort to escape the military’s atrocities.

The army’s attempted military coup of February 202

The case did not proceed after the Myanmar military attempted a coup on 1 February 2021. That night, Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint were arrested and have since been accused of corruption, violations of the telecoms law, a state secrets act as well as covid-19 regulations. They are currently facing several years of imprisonment. The generals declared the November 2020 parliamentary elections as fraudulent and put a state of emergency in place. Senior General Min Aung Hlaing is now heading the country. But not only the State Counsellor and the President, but the entire population of Myanmar has been held hostage: since February 2021, over 1.500 people have been murdered, thousands have been arrested and 450.000 people have become internally displaced, adding to the already high numbers of IDPs.

The National Unity Government

Members of the parliament elected in November 2020 formed the National Unity Government (NUG) while in hiding, now operating from undisclosed locations. They have established working relations with many states and international organizations, including the UN, where Ambassador U Kyaw Moe Tun supports the NUG and has been able to continue representing his country even though the military fired and charged him with high treason. While the military regime has received backing from China and Russia, most other countries have cut diplomatic and also economic ties with Myanmar under the current leadership. The question of who is representing Myanmar in the international community is a contested one which needs to be kept in mind when the case in The Hague continues on 21 February 2022.

Trying to benefit from a genocide accusation

Historically, the army has shown no interest in complying with international legal norms. The “rule of law”-paradigm has been a particular red rag for the Generals. Still, the Myanmar military will likely send delegates to attend the upcoming proceedings in The Hague. At the same time, the National Unity Government (NUG) has declared that United Nations Ambassador U Kyaw Moe Tun is the only person authorised to represent the country in The Hague.

However, for the generals, defending the country against the genocide accusation is largely a means to an end: they will use this opportunity to conduct themselves as the legitimate representatives of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar on a global stage. One should not fall for this trick, or not again: Already in April 2021 the military managed the feat that a general participated in an online-event of the UN Commission on Narcotic Drugs (CND), thereby bypassing the UN Secretary General’s own advice not to cooperate with the junta.

The ICJ is one of the principal legal organs for investigating violations of the 1948 UN Genocide Convention, to which Myanmar is a signatory. To invite the junta to represent the country means to offer them the chance to use the court as a platform for strategic litigation where no longer the crime, but the performance of legitimacy will be key: When the ICJ reopens the case against Myanmar, the Rohingya genocide is not a primary concern of the generals. Rather, it is to be ‘Myanmar’. The ICJ has a historical opportunity to avoid such an ethical, political and legal failure.

Read the full post at Allegra Lab.

Staatsterror in Myanmar. Neuer Artikel für “Blätter”

Zusammen mit Felix Girke habe ich einen neuen Artikel zum Thema “Staatsterror in Myanmar” für Blätter für deutsche und internationale Politik verfasst.

Darin diskutieren wir wer die zivile Widerstandsbewegung Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) trägt, was deren Ziele sind und warum sie auch angesichts des zunehmenen Terrors seitens des Militärs nicht aufgibt.

Wir setzen die aktuelle soziale Bewegung in Bezug zu früheren Protest- und Widerstandsbewegungen und gehen bis in die Kolonialzeit des Landes zurück. Neben der zentralen Bedeutung von Aung San für die Unabhängigkeitsbewegung der 1920ger und 1930ger Jahre machen wir deutlich, dass in allen Jahrzehnten die Bewegungen vor allem von Studierenden getragen wurden.

Der Verfassung von 2008 widmen wir besondere Aufmerksamkeit, denn nur über sie konnte das Militär auch in den vergangenen Jahren in einer zunehmend demokratischen und offenen Gesellschaft weiterhin die Macht auf sich zentrieren und letztendlich durch ein Uminterpretieren einer Ausnahmeklausel, wieder an sich reissen.

Wir sehen die gesetzten Ziele der CDM als Herkulesaufgabe an, die vor allem von den Menschen im Land zu stemmen sein wird, da die internationalen Organe wie die Vereinten Nationen zunehmend lethargisch reagieren, vor allem mit China und Russland als Vetomächten. Angesichts des zunehmenden Terrors, der sich nicht nur gegen Demonstrierende, sondern auch Unbeteiligte wie Frauen und Kinder richtet, werden die Rufe der Bevölkerung nach Intervention aus dem Ausland immer lauter.

Radiointerview für Saarländischer Rundfunk. SR2 Kulturradio

Rund acht Wochen nach dem Militärputsch findet der zivile Widerstand auf den Straßen von Myanmar vor allem in der Nacht statt – und auch in den sozialen Medien. Ich habe mit SR-Politikredakteurin und Moderatorin Katrin Aue über die Lage vor Ort gesprochen. Das Interview findet sich unter dem Titel “Die Menschen wollen nicht in einer Militärdiktatur leben“.

Mahnwache für Myanmar. Samstag, 27.3.2021 um 14.00h Konstanzer Münster

Am Samstag den 27.03.2021 um 14:00 Uhr haben wir im Zuge von bundesweit geplanten Mahnwachen auch in Konstanz unsere Solidarität mit den Menschen in Myanmar ausgedrückt. Wir sind eine diverse Gruppe von Menschen, die beruflich oder privat eine enge Verbindung zu Myanmar haben und den unrechtmäßigen Coup des burmesischen Militärs ablehnen.

Am 1. Februar putschte sich das burmesische Militär, nach fünf Jahren ziviler Regierung, zurück an die Macht. Trotz über 2000 willkürlichen Verhaftungen und mindestens 247 Todesopfern (FAZ 21.03.2021) ist der Widerstand der Bevölkerung nicht zu brechen; es kommt weiterhin täglich zu Massenprotesten. Inzwischen wurde Kriegsrecht in einigen Regionen ausgerufen, was die Situation weiter zuspitzt. Der Ausgang ist offen und der Mut und die Hoffnung der burmesischen Bevölkerung bewundernswert. Mit den bundesweit stattfindenden Mahnwachen soll sowohl den Opfern der Militärjunta gedacht als auch Solidarität mit den Protestierenden und ihren Forderungen nach Demokratie bekundet werden.

Ansprechpartnerin ist Sarah Riebel, MA, Doktorandin in meiner Arbeitsgruppe an der Universität Konstanz. Sie kann bei Fragen kontaktiert werden unter sarah_riebel[at]web.de

Ankündigung im Konstanzer Seemoz am 27.03.2021.

Erwähnt auch in der TAZ unter “Internationale Solidarität

Mahnwache Myanmar in Konstanz. 27 März 2021. Copyright: Judith Beyer

Radio Interview for rbb/inforadio

This morning I was interviewed for the German radio station rbb/inforadio on the ongoing state of exception in Myanmar. In the feature “Vom Militär verhängter Ausnahmezustand in Myanmar” I was asked to talk about how the crisis affects me personally as a scholar, but I tried to emphasize what I find most striking in the way the population deals with the emergency: I continue to be deeply impressed by their determination to remain on the streets and to fight the military regime despite the increase in violence. I have clearly stated that all military operations are most likely mounting to crimes against humanity and go against international humanitarian law.

The reporter asked about the possibility for mediation and I stated very clearly that the population of Myanmar would consider this a betrayal to their cause as none of them is willing to enter into negotiations with the military regime. Instead, it is of utmost importance for Germany, for the EU and the UN to not legitimize the military-imposed “State Administration Council” (SAC). Instead, I emphasized that Germany should grant political asylum to individuals who are in danger of persecution, that communication should be established with the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), that the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) should be supported as well as local journalists who are currently risking their lives in reporting the atrocities.

You can read a short summary and listen to the interview on “Vom Militär verhängter Ausnahmezustand in Myanmar“on the radio’s website.